Neoliberalism and the Young: Gen Z Protests, Precarity and India’s Response

1.What is neoliberalism?

Neoliberalism is a set of ideas that trusts markets and competition more than state control. It favours privatisation, which means moving public businesses to private owners. It also favours deregulation, which means fewer government rules for business.

The Washington Consensus is a famous list of such policies. Economist John Williamson coined the name in 1989. His ten proposals included fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation, privatisation and deregulation. (Source: PIIE)

The same list asked for spending on education, health and infrastructure. So it was not only about cuts.

Austerity means cutting public spending or raising taxes to shrink government debt. Think of a family that skips holidays to repay a loan. Austerity is one tool. It is not the same as neoliberalism.

2.Why do young people feel the squeeze?

The youth argument is about who carries risk. Insecure work, costly services and high rent can delay independent adult life. This is called precarity. It means living with unstable income and few safety nets, such as no contract, no leave and no pension.

The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates youth unemployment at 12.4% in 2025 for ages 15-24. That is 67 million people. (Source: ILO)

It also says 20% of youth, over 257 million, were NEET. That means not in employment, education or training. NEET is a wider measure than unemployment.

These facts justify a hard look at policy. They do not prove one cause for every country.

3.Was it one movement with one cause?

No. Gen Z means people born roughly from the late 1990s to the early 2010s. Many protests were youth-led and organised online. But each began with a local anger, such as a ban, a perk or a tax. Few began as a protest against neoliberalism itself.

The table compares seven cases. Read the trigger first, then the outcome.

Notice two things. Removing a leader did not always bring reform, as Madagascar shows. And a bigger budget line, as in Morocco, is not proof of better services. For the right to protest in India, read Jantar Mantar, Ramlila Maidan and the Right to Protest in India. For a debt crisis nearby, read Sri Lanka’s 2022 Economic Crisis and India’s Role.

4.What do the numbers say about young Indians?

The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2025 found 9.9% unemployment for ages 15-29, on a usual-status basis. (Source: MoSPI via PIB) Do not compare this annual figure with monthly weekly-status estimates. See PLFS (Periodic Labour Force Survey).

The ILO-IHD India Employment Report 2024 recorded 29.1% unemployment among graduate youth in 2022. (Source: ILO-IHD) That is older evidence, not a 2026 rate.

Gig work means short, task-based jobs found through apps, such as food delivery. NITI Aayog estimated 7.7 million gig workers in 2020-21. It projected 23.5 million by 2029-30. The second number is a projection. (Source: NITI Aayog)

Costs matter too. Household school spending averaged Rs 2,863 per student in government schools and Rs 25,002 in non-government schools. (Source: PIB, CMS Education 2025) This shows a gap. It does not prove privatisation caused it. Public-sector banks held Rs 1,16,786 crore of education loans on 31 March 2025. (Source: Dept of Economic Affairs) Loans alone do not show repayment distress.

5.How has the government tried to help?

The Employment Linked Incentive scheme, now PM-VBRY, approved Rs 99,446 crore in 2025. It gives up to Rs 15,000 to eligible first-time employees. It covers jobs created from 1 August 2025 to 31 July 2027. (Source: PIB) Targets are not the same as verified new jobs.

The PM Internship scheme is a pilot. By 15 March 2026, over 16,060 interns had joined Rounds I and II. (Source: Lok Sabha) That counts joinings, not completions.

Since 12 March 2026, interns get Rs 9,000 a month, up from Rs 5,000. They also get a one-time Rs 6,000. (Source: Parliament) An internship is training. It is not a permanent job.

6.What protection do gig workers get?

The Code on Social Security, 2020 came into force on 21 November 2025. (Source: PIB) Budget 2025-26 added ID cards, e-Shram registration and PM-JAY health cover for platform workers. (Source: Labour Ministry) See Social Security Schemes in India.

Section 114(4) asks aggregators, meaning app companies, to pay 1-2% of annual turnover. The payment is capped at 5% of what they pay gig workers. The rate and start date still need notification. (Source: Code, s.114)

States moved first. Rajasthan passed Act 29 of 2023. Karnataka passed Act 72 of 2025. On 3 July 2026 the Karnataka High Court gave an interim order only. It refused a stay, and platforms must deposit the welfare fee with the court registry. No coercive action is allowed until the next hearing. It is not a final ruling. (Source: Indian Express) Compare the app-work story in Gig Economy and Women Empowerment: How Platforms Reshape Female Work.

7.What do supporters, critics and thinkers say?

Supporters reply that open markets can raise growth and create jobs. They add that corruption, weak institutions and fast technology change also hurt the young. Both sides agree that policy choices matter.

Three thinkers shape the critique.

• David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism: he argues market exchange has spread into social life.
• Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century: his r > g idea compares returns on capital with growth. He warns it is not a complete explanation. (Source: Piketty, JEP)
• Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents and The Price of Inequality: he says policy and institutional rules shape inequality.

The fair reading: neoliberalism is one possible cause. It is not proven as the single cause.